By Dr. Habib Siddiqui
Posted: 20 Rabi’ul-Awwal 1427, 19 April 2006
Posted: 20 Rabi’ul-Awwal 1427, 19 April 2006
Part 1: The Nightmare
Imagine this. You are living in a country that does not recognize you
as a citizen in spite of the fact that your forefathers lived there for
centuries. Half of your people have been forced to take refuge outside.
Your country is run by a brutal and savage military regime and you face
daily intimidation, extortion, abuse and repression.
It routinely carries out military offensives where hundreds of
villages are destroyed and burned so that people are forced to flee to
the jungle or cross the border; they cannot return to their homes. The
territory is conveniently called ‘cleaned’ of the rebel forces.
Another tactic involves evicting people from their homes. The victims
are given an order to vacate their homes within the next few days. They
are not told why and where they will relocate. No compensation is paid
either to the victims for such eviction notices.(1)
A similar tactic involves confiscation of land of farmers. Farmers must
now work for free as forced or modern-day slave labors to grow paddy
for the military. They must bear all expenses for the production.(2)
Often times such actions create forced starvation and internal refugee
problem. A prosperous farmer, businessman or trader overnight becomes a
beggar.
Villagers and township residents face daily or weekly demands from
all of the Army camps and mobile patrols in their area. At any given
time, a village has to provide an average of one person per household
for a whole range of forced labor: forced porters, guides and human
minesweepers for military columns, messengers and sentries for Army
camps, building and maintaining Army camp fences, trenches, booby-traps,
and barracks, cutting and hauling firewood, cooking and carrying water
to soldiers, building and rebuilding military supply roads, clearing
shrub along roadsides to minimize the possibility of ambush, standing
sentry along military supply roads, growing crops for the Army on
confiscated land, and engaging in profit-making activities for the
officers such as brick-baking, rubber planting or digging fishponds, let
alone drug-trafficking. Every Army unit demands most of these things
from the surrounding villages, and every village is surrounded by three,
four or five Army units.
To avoid forced labor, the village men leave the village to stay in
hiding in their field huts or in the forest while the women, children
and the elderly remain behind in the village to protect the house from
looting by soldiers and to carry on some semblance of family life. The
men only sneak back into the village for food and to visit when Army
patrols are not around. This system makes the women particularly
vulnerable, because Army patrols arriving at the village often rape them
on seeing that the men are not around. Truly, rape is used as a weapon of war to ethnically cleanse the territory.(3)
In the absence of men, they often take the women as porters, or accuse
them of being married to ‘rebel soldiers’ and hold them hostage pending
the return of their husbands.(4) The crimes similar to Abu Ghraib are routinely practiced on these prisoners.
In some localities, out of desperation, villagers have tried to
appease the government forces by making their own ‘peace’ agreements.
They promise to abide by all demands of the military. These villages are
subsequently labeled ‘peace’ villages. But even in these villages the
demands for forced labor, money, food and materials usually become so
intense that the village elders cannot keep up with them.(5)
They are then arrested and tortured for failure to comply, houses are
sometimes burned and many villagers flee just as though there had never
been any agreement.
With the rapid expansion of the Army in recent years to its current
strength of over 400,000 troops, villagers who have never seen fighting
now find their villages surrounded by 3 or 4 Army camps within walking
distance. The officers in these camps see the civilian population as
little more than a convenient pool of forced laborers and a source of
profit. Villages receive a constant stream of written and spoken orders
demanding their forced labor as Army camp servants, messengers and
sentries, cutting and hauling building materials for camp construction,
building and maintaining the camp. They are also taken as porters,
because Army needs people to haul rations and supplies to Army camps, or
from the Battalion bases to faraway outposts.(6)
The regime also uses villagers as forced labor to construct or repair
road networks, railways and hydro dams. Conditions on such projects can
be brutal, with one person per family demanded on rotating one or two
week shifts.(7)
For Army officers, a posting in the countryside is an opportunity to
make a great deal of personal profit in a short time. Officers order
villagers to cut logs and bamboo, then sell it on the market for
personal profit.(8)
In some villages the regime sometimes sanctions the construction of a
primary or middle school, but usually it is the villagers who must pay
the cost of building it as well as the salary of the state-supplied
teacher. More remote villages usually cannot afford to do this, so many
have opened their own primary-level schools with their own volunteer
teachers. Since the beginning of 1999, the authorities have been
ordering the closing of many of these village primary schools, telling
the villagers that only state-sanctioned schools are allowed.
Racist teachers (representing state-sponsored religion) have been
known to teach that Muslims were brought in by the colonial regime and
have only caused problem. Many are forced to convert to the religion of
the majority if they want to gain access to higher education and better
job. Students are expelled from the schools if they refuse to learn the
religion of the majority people. Muslim elders are arrested for
submitting petition requesting that Muslims students be spared from such
religious classes. Building of Muslims schools is banned and Muslim
religious teachers routinely face torture and execution.(9)
Muslim villagers are ordered to worship the god of the majority
people. They must also pay obeisance to (worship) monks, failing which
they may face torture and death.(10) Villagers
are pressured to convert to religion of the majority. They are forced
to contribute large chunks of money toward donations to monasteries for
the dominant religious group. Muslim places of worship are routinely
demolished to make room for altars of the dominant group. Muslim homes
and shops are destroyed under all kinds of pretexts. Muslims are also
ordered to erect shelf altars in their homes. They are ordered to become
vegetarians and not to raise cattle. Eating meat may result in heavy
fines, including torture and imprisonment.(11)
While the situation is simply bleak for all inside Burma except a
privileged class within the Burmese ethnic group professing Buddhism
(who runs the SPDC – State Peace and Development Council – regime), the
situation is worse for Muslims and worst yet for the Rohingya Muslims
who live in the Arakan (Rakhine) state of Burma. Their suffering simply
has no parallel in our time because of their Muslim identity and
annulment of citizenship rights.
Part 2: Muslims in Burma
Burma is a country located between South Asia and South East Asia,
with an area of about 261,970 square miles and a population of nearly 52
million.(12)
It achieved independence from Britain on January 4 of 1948 as “Union of
Burma.” It is home to nearly 140 ethnic groups (of which only 134
outside the majority Burmese are recognized by the government) who
inhabit 7 states comprising roughly 60% of the total area. The Burmese
are the largest and most dominant ethnic group, who inhabit the
remainder 7 divisions. The majority people are followers of Theraveda
Buddhism.
Muslims form the second largest religious community, numbering 7 to
10 million people. Almost every city or town in Burma has a Muslim
community. There are also Muslim and mixed Muslim villages throughout
Burma. Rakhine State (formerly known as Arakan State)
in western Burma has the highest concentration of Muslim inhabitants.
Muslims have lived in Burma for more than a millennium, although some
have arrived only after Burma’s annexation by Great Britain in the early
19th century. Christianity and other religions are also practised.
Islam is also practiced in Burma by Burmese, Indians, ethnic Bengalis
and some ethnic minorities.
Burma’s draconian citizenship law makes it impossible for many Muslims to become citizens and receive national identity cards.(13)
Without the identity cards, Muslims have a difficult time traveling,
getting an education or finding a job. They cannot carry on social
relations and conduct business. Because of racial and religious
discrimination and lack of an identity card, they cannot even get a job
in a private company. The lucky few who are able to get identity cards
are barred from holding high office in any government job.
Religious restrictions have also been placed on Muslims. They cannot
bring the Qur’an or religious books from outside (nor are they allowed
to print them inside). There is a prohibition on the construction of new
mosques and repairs to existing ones are limited to the interiors only.
Groups of more than five Muslims are prohibited from assembling in
cities and towns. Permission must be sought, which is often denied, to
hold religious ceremonies and celebrate social occasions. Muslim
religious leaders are under constant surveillance by the SPDC. They
cannot conduct religious and social services properly. All Islamic
schools are now banned. Muslim Imams cannot teach Islam in any
gathering, even in the privacy of their homes.
The SPDC regime exploits religion to strengthen its hold onto power.
It confiscates Muslim land and properties and alters demography by
implanting Buddhists from outside to settle. Muslim-owned land and homes
are then delivered to these new settlers. To bolster their Buddhist
image, while they demolish mosques and Islamic schools, they are engaged
in massively expensive pagoda-building and Buddhist ceremonies.(14)
Many of these pagodas and monasteries are built on confiscated Muslim
properties. Worse still, Muslims must pay for such construction
projects, including Buddhist festivities and funeral services. Muslim
cemeteries are now routinely desecrated for conducting Buddhist funeral
services. Islam is treated as a ‘threat’ involving ‘foreigners’ (the “Ka
La” – blacks or Indians from outside; used derogatorily).
Racial and religious tensions have run high between Muslims and
Burmese since independence in 1948. Successive Burmese regimes have
encouraged or instigated violence against Muslims as a way of diverting
the public’s attention away from economic or political concerns. The
most recent outbreak of violence against Muslims occurred in the Arakan
state in February of this year.(15)
To instigate these riots, sometimes the members of the regime have been
found to spread rumors and distribute booklets and leaflets enticing
Buddhists to attack Muslims.(16) As a result, many mosques, homes, shops and schools were destroyed and many Muslims were killed or injured.
The status of Muslims in Burma is summed up by the KHRG (Karen Human
Rights Group): “Denied identity cards and refused the most basic rights
of citizenship under the SPDC’s racist laws, the Muslims of Burma have
to struggle for the simple privileges of going to school, finding a job,
applying to a university, even traveling to the next town. They are
forbidden to maintain their mosque buildings or build new ones, at the
same time as the SPDC authorities call many of them to forced labor
building lavish new Buddhist temples. The restrictions make most of them
poor, and their poverty leaves them unable to bribe their way out of
the most brutal forms of forced labor used by the Burmese military, such
as frontline portering. But this is not all – whenever the Buddhist
population gets restive under military oppression, the SPDC attempts to
redirect the anger against the Muslim minority, resulting in riots and
killings such as those that terrorized Muslim communities throughout
Burma from March to October 2001. Visible, different, in the minority and unarmed, the Muslims of Burma are easy targets.”
Part 3: Muslims in Arakan
ARAKAN, formerly called Rohang, Roshang, Rakhine Pray, Rakhapura,
lies on the north-western part of Burma with 360 miles coastal belt
from the Bay of Bengal. Through its geopolitical position, Arakan finds
itself at the crossroads of two continental entities, South Asia and
South-East Asia — between Buddhist Asia and Muslim-Hindu Asia and
between the Mongoloid and the Indo-Aryan races. It borders 176 miles
with Bangladesh, 48 miles of which is covered by river Naf, which
demarcates Arakan (Burma) from Chittagong (Bangladesh). It is separated
geographically from the rest of Burma by the long range of Arakan Yoma
mountain range running north to south. The area of Arakan is about
20,000 square miles. But Arakan Hill-tracts district (5235 square miles)
and southern most part of Arakan were partitioned from Arakan. So, it
has now been reduced to 14,200 square miles.(17)
The Muslim community in Arakan, who are next to the Rakhine Buddhists in number, consists of four groups: Tambukias, Turko-Pathans, Kamanchis and Rohingyas. The Tambukias
trace their history back to the eighth century when their ancestors
from Arabia were allowed to settle in southern Arakan by the
contemporary king Maha Taing Chandra (788-810). The next group
consisting of the Turks and Pathans are mostly found in the outskirts of
Mrohaung, the last capital of Arakan. The Arakanese king Mong-Saw-Mwan
alias Narameikhla (1403-33) recaptured his throne with the help of their
forebears who were in the army of Bengal. Like the Tambukias, they were
allowed to settle in Arakan by the grateful king. The ancestors of the
Kamanchis came in the train of shah shuja, the Governor of Bengal
(1639-59), who took shelter in Arakan with his family and retinues after
being overthrown by his brother aurangzeb. Their descendants are to be
found mostly in Ramree Island. The Rohingyas are descendants of
Muslims who trace their ancestry to all those who settled in Arakan –
the Arabs, Turks, Persians, Pathans, Mughals, Bengalis and some
Indo-Mongoloid people. Hence, the Rohingya Muslims are not an ethnic
group, which developed from one tribal group affiliation or single
racial stock, but are an ethnic group that developed from different
stocks of people. The ethnic Rohingya is Muslim by religion with
distinct culture and civilization of its own.
Arakan came in close cultural contact with the Muslim Sultanate of
Bengal in early 14th century so much so that many of the Buddhist rulers
of that country adopted Muslim names for themselves. They appointed
Muslim officials in their courts and, apparently under the latter’s
influence, even inscribed the Kalima on their coins.(18)
Thus, Buddhist kings ruled, but Muslims played an influential role in
the court, defence and administration of the kingdom. The Arakanese
court’s adoption of many Muslim customs and terms were other significant
tribute to the influence of Islam. Mosques including the famous Sandi
Khan Mosque began to dot the countryside and Islamic customs, manners
and practices came to be established since this time.(19)
Because of her geographical proximity with the south-eastern parts of
Bengal, Arakan developed both political and cultural relations with
Bengalis. Its courts and royalties patronized Bengali literature. Some
of the best known classical Bengali poets (Alaol, Dawlat Qazi) came from
Arakan.
Arakan was an independent kingdom until its annexation in 1784 by the
Burmese King Bodawpaya (1782-1819). It encompassed at times the
southern part of today’s Bangladesh, and was famous as a land of
economic opportunities, on the maritime shipping routes between
south-west Asia and south-east Asia. During the conquest, Bodawpaya’s
soldiers returned with 20,000 Arakanese prisoners. Thousand of Arakanese
Muslims and Buddhists were put to death. The Burmese soldiers destroyed
mosques, temples, shrines, seminaries and libraries, including the
Mrauk-U Royal Library.(20)
The fall of Mrauk-U Empire was a mortal blow to the Muslims for every
thing that was materially and culturally Islamic was razed to the
ground. During the 40-year (1784-1824 CE) Burmese rule, two third, i.e.,
200,000, of the inhabitants (Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists) of
Arakan fled to Bengal (in British India). Many of the indigenous
Muslims found today in and around Mandalay and Central Burma are
descendants of those Rohingyas of Arakan. During the British rule, some
of the Arakanese who had fled to Bengal, especially Chittagong, returned
to Arakan.
The state of Arakan was granted autonomy within the Union of Burma in
1948, which was later abolished in 1962 by a military decree. The
Revolutionary Council (military junta) that grabbed power nationalized
all financial institutions and businesses. In Arakan, most of the major
business establishments were in the hands of Muslims. So, the Rohingya
Muslims of Arakan were hardest hit in the economic crackdown by the new
military regime. All Rohingya welfare and socio-cultural organizations
were banned in 1964. The military regime cancelled the Rohingya Language
Program broadcasted from Burma Broadcasting Service (BBS), Rangoon in
October 1965.
Prior to 1962 the Rohingya community was recognized as an indigenous
ethnic nationality of Burma. They had their representatives in Burmese
parliament and some of them were appointed as ministers, parliamentary
secretaries and in high government positions. After the military
takeover in 1962 the Rohingyas have been systematically deprived of
their political rights. With the promulgation of the most controversial
and discriminatory citizenship law of 1982 they are declared as
“non-nationals” or “foreign residents”. [Interestingly, in an apparent
but short-lived departure from their policy, the military not only
allowed Rohingyas to vote in the general election of May 1990, but also
allowed them to stand as candidates The National Democratic Party for
Human Rights (NDPHR), a Rohingya supported group, won four seats,
capturing all the constituencies in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.
The Rohingya candidate in Akyab was arrested and put in jail though.
Subsequently, the party, along with many other political parties, was
deregistered in March 1992. Now the leader of the NDPHR is serving a
long prison term in with his family members.]
Today, Rohingya Muslims cannot move from one village to another
nearby village without permission and payment of fees, even in medical
emergencies.(21)
Households who receive visitors from another township or village must
reportedly register their guests if they are spending the night. Failure
to do so can result in fines or other reprisals like arrests and hefty
extortion payments.(22)A Rohingya Muslim must report and pay fees for every birth and death in his family, including cattle.(23)
A Rohingya widow must also wait a minimum of three years before she can
remarry. When a cyclone hit the Arakan coast on May 19, 2004 and left
over 520 people dead and more than 20,000 people homeless, the local
officials didn’t distribute relief aid to the Rohingya people simply
saying that they were not citizens of Burma.(24)
To get married they must get permission from at least four different
government agencies and vow not to have more than three children. Such
permissions, in spite of paying high fees and bribes, can take years,
and most are often denied. As a result, the backlog of marriages,
delayed and denied, runs into thousands in many towns. There are towns
where not a single marriage has taken place for years. Those who dared
to marry without permission are arrested and fined heavily.(25)
Those who eventually get the permission to get married must report to
the government-run family planning and counseling centers before their
wedding, where they are required to stay few days. Obviously, with
exorbitant fees paid in advance! It is there that one of the most
heinous crimes is often perpetrated by the agents affiliated with the
government. The bride-to-be is raped. Obviously, the SPDC regime has
become creative to open up its new weapon of ethnic cleansing, bound to
terrorize the Rohingya community and forcing them to opt for exodus out
of the country.26
One may wonder how such abuses of human rights can take place in a
state that claims to follow the teachings of Gautam Buddha! The sad
truth is that millions of people of all ethnicities in Burma harbor
racist anti-Muslim feelings, considering them vaguely and baselessly as
foreigners (Ka La or blacks, a racist and derogatory term to point to
their Indian heritage), immigrants, job- or land-stealers, and so on.
They are looked upon as collaborators of the British Raj, especially
since the Burmans allied themselves with the Japanese occupation forces
during World War II.(27)
[More than a hundred thousand Rohingya Muslims were killed during the
pogroms of 1942. Another 80,000 fled to Bengal. They are commonly called
“Rohi”s in southern Chittagong.](28)
The SPDC and its predecessor regimes have often exploited this in order
to ‘divide and rule’ the civilian population. There is no doubt that
they have succeeded in their criminal scheme. For instance, the Rakhine
Buddhist in Arakan is now the worst adversary of the Rohingya; he/she
refuses to consider anyone to be Arakanese who is not Buddhist.
In the late 1970s (Naga-Min Operation) and again in 1991-92 (Pyi Thaya Operation),
the Burmese military dictatorship launched pogroms against the Rohingya
Muslims of Arakan State in the hope that Buddhist Rakhines, many of
whom are rabidly anti-Muslim, would swing over to the ‘government’ side –
forgetting their growing anger at Burmese Army repression and
redirecting it against the Muslim community. In each of those pogroms
more than a quarter million of Rohingyas were forcibly evicted from
their ancestral homes to seek refuge in Bangladesh. Most of their
possessions now belong to Buddhist settlers.
Almost all of the evicted Rohingyas have now been forcibly repatriated to Burma by the Bangladeshi government in cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), but those who return still face continued persecution both from the SPDC and the Rakhine Buddhists; so a small but steady exodus is continuing.(29) The UNHCR and the Bangladeshi authorities refuse to recognize any of these new or repeat refugees, so tens of thousands of them have disappeared into the illegal labor markets of Bangladesh and elsewhere in the past eight years.
Almost all of the evicted Rohingyas have now been forcibly repatriated to Burma by the Bangladeshi government in cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), but those who return still face continued persecution both from the SPDC and the Rakhine Buddhists; so a small but steady exodus is continuing.(29) The UNHCR and the Bangladeshi authorities refuse to recognize any of these new or repeat refugees, so tens of thousands of them have disappeared into the illegal labor markets of Bangladesh and elsewhere in the past eight years.
Some of the major armed operations against the Rohingya people,
orchestrated by the Burmese government since 1948, are mentioned below:
01. Military Operation (5th Burma Regiment) – November 1948
02. Burma Territorial Force (BTF) – Operation 1949-50
03. Military Operation (2nd Emergency Chin regiment) – March 1951-52
04. Mayu Operation – October 1952-53
05. Mone-thone Operation – October 1954
06. Combined Immigration and Army Operation – January 1955
07. Union Military Police (UMP) Operation – 1955-58
08. Captain Htin Kyaw Operation – 1959
09. Shwe Kyi Operation – October 1966
10. Kyi Gan Operation – October-December 1966
11. Ngazinka Operation – 1967-69
12. Myat Mon Operation – February 1969-71
13. Major Aung Than Operation – 1973
14. Sabe Operation February – 1974-78
15. Naga-Min (King Dragon) Operation – February 1978-79 (resulting in exodus of some 300,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh)
16. Shwe Hintha Operation – August 1978-80
17. Galone Operation – 1979
18. Pyi Thaya Operation – July 1991-92 (resulting in exodus of some 268,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh)
19. Na-Sa-Ka Operation – since 1992.
01. Military Operation (5th Burma Regiment) – November 1948
02. Burma Territorial Force (BTF) – Operation 1949-50
03. Military Operation (2nd Emergency Chin regiment) – March 1951-52
04. Mayu Operation – October 1952-53
05. Mone-thone Operation – October 1954
06. Combined Immigration and Army Operation – January 1955
07. Union Military Police (UMP) Operation – 1955-58
08. Captain Htin Kyaw Operation – 1959
09. Shwe Kyi Operation – October 1966
10. Kyi Gan Operation – October-December 1966
11. Ngazinka Operation – 1967-69
12. Myat Mon Operation – February 1969-71
13. Major Aung Than Operation – 1973
14. Sabe Operation February – 1974-78
15. Naga-Min (King Dragon) Operation – February 1978-79 (resulting in exodus of some 300,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh)
16. Shwe Hintha Operation – August 1978-80
17. Galone Operation – 1979
18. Pyi Thaya Operation – July 1991-92 (resulting in exodus of some 268,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh)
19. Na-Sa-Ka Operation – since 1992.
It is not difficult to understand why half the Rohingya population,
numbering some million and a half, has opted for a life of exile and
uncertainty. They live as unwanted refugees and illegal immigrants in
Bangladesh, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Malaysia and the U.A.E.
Part 4: Plight of Rohingya Refugees and Recommendations for Regime Change
4.1 Condition of Refugees in Bangladesh:
4.1 Condition of Refugees in Bangladesh:
In Bangladesh today there are approximately 20,000 “documented”
Rohingya refugees, out of a quarter million that had arrived in 1991-2,
escaping military persecution in Burma. They live in two camps of
Kutupalong and Nayapara. Most of the original refugees were forcibly
repatriated into the lawless country of Burma, where they continue to
face all sorts of human rights abuse in the hands of Myanmar authority.
The remaining refugees have refused to return because they fear human
rights abuses, including religious persecution.
Unfortunately, the condition within those two refugee camps is simply
awful and lack adequate facilities for a healthy living. Children are
deprived of their basic education and healthcare. They also face
harassment from the government authorities.(30)
Besides, hundreds of thousands of “undocumented” Rohingyas are living
outside these two camps in sub-human condition with all their
uncertainty. Many refugees are camped at a roadside facility at Teknaf, a
border town in south-east end of Bangladesh under unpleasant
conditions. There is no help from any quarter for these refugees.
These refugees are also blocked from nominal opportunities of re-settlement in a third country or settlement within Bangladesh.
The UNHCR announced on March 12, 2006 that it would reduce refugee
Subsistence Allowance (SA). A refugee who is a head of family will
receive 45 taka (72 cents) and a dependent will receive 22.50 taka per
day. Previously, refugees received 90 taka per day for the SA. This
decision is bound to worsen the misery of the refugees.
4.2 Situation of Refugees in Other Countries:
There is no international agency to look after the interest of the stateless Rohingya. Because of their lack of legal identity, they are not allowed to work or hold work permit by any name. An estimated 15-20,000 Rohingyas work as illegal workers in Thailand. Their children are deprived of basic human rights. As with most new refugees in Thailand, the Thai authorities reject most new Muslim arrivals whether they are Rohingyas or Karens or from any other state, claiming that they cannot be refugees since they are not ‘fleeing fighting’. They are allowed to stay in the camps but are frequently threatened with repatriation. The situation is only likely to get worse in the near future with the new Thai policy of not allowing any new refugees to come to Thailand. Thailand’s hostile policy toward migrant workers makes working in Thailand very risky, and many have been sent back as illegal immigrants, who face persecution in Burma.
The number of refugees in Malaysia is estimated at 8,000. The situation there is slightly better than that faced in Bangladesh, Pakistan and Thailand. However, they face constant threat of deportation. Some of the refugees in the Arab countries have been able to find gainful jobs.
There is no international agency to look after the interest of the stateless Rohingya. Because of their lack of legal identity, they are not allowed to work or hold work permit by any name. An estimated 15-20,000 Rohingyas work as illegal workers in Thailand. Their children are deprived of basic human rights. As with most new refugees in Thailand, the Thai authorities reject most new Muslim arrivals whether they are Rohingyas or Karens or from any other state, claiming that they cannot be refugees since they are not ‘fleeing fighting’. They are allowed to stay in the camps but are frequently threatened with repatriation. The situation is only likely to get worse in the near future with the new Thai policy of not allowing any new refugees to come to Thailand. Thailand’s hostile policy toward migrant workers makes working in Thailand very risky, and many have been sent back as illegal immigrants, who face persecution in Burma.
The number of refugees in Malaysia is estimated at 8,000. The situation there is slightly better than that faced in Bangladesh, Pakistan and Thailand. However, they face constant threat of deportation. Some of the refugees in the Arab countries have been able to find gainful jobs.
4.3 Conclusion:
The SPDC regime has learned to exploit religious sentiments to persecute non-Buddhists and ethnically cleanse the Rohingya from the Arakan. Their power is rooted in the deep racism that has permeated Burmese society since its beginnings; not only the racial supremacy complex which many Burmans are brought up with, but the racism of the Karen against the Burmese, the Burmese against the Shan, the Shan against the Wa, the Wa against the Shan, the Mon against the Burmese, the Rakhine against the Rohingyas, the Burmese against the Chinese, the Christians against the Buddhists, and everyone against the Muslims.
The SPDC propaganda encourages a blind racist nationalism, full of references to ‘protecting the race’, meaning that if Burmans do not oppress other nationalities then they will themselves be oppressed, ‘national reconsolidation’, meaning assimilation, and preventing ‘disintegration of the Union’, meaning that if the Army falls then some kind of ethnic chaos would ensue.
The SPDC regime has learned to exploit religious sentiments to persecute non-Buddhists and ethnically cleanse the Rohingya from the Arakan. Their power is rooted in the deep racism that has permeated Burmese society since its beginnings; not only the racial supremacy complex which many Burmans are brought up with, but the racism of the Karen against the Burmese, the Burmese against the Shan, the Shan against the Wa, the Wa against the Shan, the Mon against the Burmese, the Rakhine against the Rohingyas, the Burmese against the Chinese, the Christians against the Buddhists, and everyone against the Muslims.
The SPDC propaganda encourages a blind racist nationalism, full of references to ‘protecting the race’, meaning that if Burmans do not oppress other nationalities then they will themselves be oppressed, ‘national reconsolidation’, meaning assimilation, and preventing ‘disintegration of the Union’, meaning that if the Army falls then some kind of ethnic chaos would ensue.
Oppression of Muslims in Burma, esp. the Rohingyas in Arakan who live
there has not eased a bit despite the assurances from the SPDC and the
UNHCR. No one should be fooled by the empty promises and assurances of
the pariah regime that rules Burma. What the SPDC junta is doing to the
Rohingya people is nothing short of a genocidal and ethnic cleansing
campaign. If this process is allowed to continue there won’t be a single
Rohingya left in Arakan within the next fifty years. They will be an
extinct community, much like what had happened to the native population
of Tasmania.
Since 1999, the USA has designated Burma as a “Country of Particular
Concern” under the International Religious Freedom Act for severe
violations of religious freedom. In a new report, entitled ‘Threat to
Peace’, Bishop Tutu of South Africa and former President Vaclav Havel of
the Czech Republic have called on the UN Security Council to take up
the situation in Burma immediately. Recently the European Union has
taken a similar stand. But such designations and reports are not enough.
These powerful nations need to walk the talk. Shamelessly, the British
and American Tobacco and oil companies are the greatest sponsors of the
rogue SPDC regime providing a lifeline for its survival.
Of particular concern is the current hobnobbing of the Burmese regime
with its neighbors. The bilateral trade between China and Myanmar hit
$1.2 billion last year (accounting for nearly a quarter of Myanmar’s
total trade volume).(22)
Predictions are that it will grow significantly this year. The
bilateral Burma–India trade volume is projected at $2 billion for this
year. It was around $470 million during the 2003-04 year.
The Myanmar regime must be forced to step down and tried for war
crimes. All trades and commerce that sustain this evil military regime
must immediately be halted. All political prisoners must be released,
and the democratic forces that had participated in the 1990 election be
allowed to run the country under a Federal system, granting autonomy to
each of the States and Divisions (something granted in 1948).
[About the author: Dr. Habib Siddiqui has written extensively
in Op/Ed columns in newspapers, magazines, journals and the Internet.
He can be reached at saeva@aol.com.
This paper is based on author’s speech at the PENN HUMAN RIGHTS FORUM on
Friday, March 31, 2006 at the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,
USA. The material in this paper came from author’s personal contacts
with the Rohingya Diaspora community as well as from the reports of
various human rights groups.]
(1) See the report ‘Easy Targets: the persecution of Muslims in
Burma,’ Karen Human Rights Group, May 2002; Muslim Quarter in the heart
of Maungdaw town ordered to vacate, Rohingya Times, July 16, 2003.
(2) Confiscation of 315 Acres for Nasaka Business and Forced Labor, Buthidaung, Kaladanpress Network, September 17, 2004.
(3) Nasaka Raped a 12-Year Old Girl and Strangled, Maungdaw, Kaladanpress
Network, May12, 2004; Crackdown On Rohingya Villagers Maungdaw,
Kaladanpress Network, September 24, 2004; One woman killed after rape
and another jailed for 20 years, Buthidaung, Kaladanpress Network,
September 26, 2004.
(4) One woman killed after rape and another jailed for 20 years, Buthidaung, Kaladanpress Network, September 26, 2004.
(5) Confiscation of 315 Acres for Nasaka Business and Forced Labor, Kaladanpress Network, September 17, 2004.
(6) Ibid.
(7) KHRG report, op. cit.
(8) Confiscation of 315 Acres for Nasaka Business and Forced Labor,
Kaladanpress Network, September 17, 2004; See the Amnesty International
report: Myanmar – The Rohingya Minority: Fundamental Rights Denied, May
2004.
(9) ibid.; Barbaric Killing of a Religious Teacher in Nasaka Custody
Maungdaw, Kaladanpress Network, April 28, 2004; A Religious Teacher
Sentenced a 7-year Jail Sentence, Kaladanpress Network, August 07, 2004.
(10) From the reports of human rights groups, it is confirmed that
when a Muslim villager failed to ‘worship’ a Buddhist monk, which was
demanded by the monk, the latter became infuriated and started beating
him, and plucked his eyes out. The villager died of the injury. See
also, Human Rights Watch briefing paper ‘Crackdown on Burmese Muslims’
(July 2002) on Taungoo Violence, May 2001.
(11) See the KHRG report for details.
(12) US State Department Report; CIA Factbook.
(13) The Rohingyas are not recognised as one of the 135 ‘national races’ by the Myanmar government, which proclaims: “In
actual fact, although there are (135) national races living in Myanmar
today, the so-called Rohingya people is not one of them. Historically,
there has never been a ‘Rohingya’ race in Myanmar. The very name
Rohingya is a creation of a group of insurgents in the Rakhine State.
Since the First Anglo-Myanmar War in 1824, people of Muslim Faith from
the adjacent country illegally entered Myanmar Ngain-Ngan, particularly
Rakhine State. Being illegal immigrants they do not hold immigration
papers like other nationals of the country.” (Press Release of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Union of Myanmar, 26 February 1992.)
(14) Demolition of Mosques in Northern Arakan Buthidaung, Kaladanpress Network, September 16, 2004.
(15) The previous serious outbreak of violence occurred in cities
across Burma from February to October 2001 when many Muslims were
killed and their properties including mosques were destroyed.
(16) See the report “Crackdown on Burmese Muslims,” Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper, July 2002,
for a detailed analysis on Taungoo violence against Muslims. The U.S.
State Department’s Annual Report for International Religious Freedom
issued in October, 2001, notes “…there were credible reports that the
monks that appeared to be inciting at least some of the violence were
USDA or military personnel dressed as monks. After two days of violence
the military stepped in and the violence immediately ended.”
(17) The Rohingya Problem, ARNO, August 31, 1999.
(18) See Dr. Muhammad Enanmul Haq and Abdul Karim Shahitya Visharad’s
work “Bengali Literature in the Court of Arakan 1600-1700.”
(19) A Short Historical Background of Arakan by Mohammad Ashraf Alam, Arakan Research Society, Chittagong, Bangladesh.
(20) Ibid.
(21) See the Amnesty International report: Myanmar – The Rohingya Minority: Fundamental Rights Denied, May 2004.
(22) Ibid.
(23) Amnesty International report, op. cit.
(24) Rohingya Barred from Cyclone Relief in Arakan Though Rohingya donated US$ 2,67,000 for Cyclone Victims, Kaladanpress Network, June 18, 2004.
(25) Ban on Marriages, Another Yoke on Rohingya Muslims by Marwaan Macan-Markar, IPS, December 6, 2005.
(26) Situation report on Rohingyas, NDPHR Press Release, 2005.
(27) By the time of Japanese occupation of Burma, nearly a million
Muslims were chased out by Aung San’s Burma Independence Army, a Burman
armed group that collaborated with the Japanese occupation.
(28) Ashraf Alam (Op. Cit.) gives a list of 294 villages completely
destroyed in the pogroms of 1942: (1) Myebon in Kyaukpru District 30
villages; (2) Minbya in Akyab District 27 villages; (3) Pauktaw in Akyab
District 25 villages; (4) Myohaung in Akyab District 58 villages; (5)
Kyauktaw in Akyab District 78 villages; (6) Ponnagyun in Akyab District 5
villages; (7) Rathedaung in Akyab District 16 villages; and (8)
Buthidaung in Akyab District 55 villages.
(29) See the latest report on “Burma’s Forgotten Rohingya” by Mike Thomson of BBC, March 2006.
(30) Ibid.
(31) The total trade volume for Burma was 5 billion USD; http://www.burmanet.org/news/2006/03/07/knight-ridder-newspapers-china-uses-trade-to-prop-myanmar-regime-tim-johnson
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